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By Mike Carlton; Richard Walker; Mark Hamlyn; Gail Jarvis; Jacomiene Betlem; All authors

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9 Unlike France, the Federal Republic of Germany did not play a prominent or of‹cial role in this con›ict. 10 Scholarly debates were still in›uenced by Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer’s concept of the “culture industry,” but they rarely had access to the real workings of this industry, in which records, books, ‹lms, radio, television, the press, photography, reproduction of art and advertising, audiovisual products, and services were all competing with one another and were determined by international trends.

For one thing, it clings to an outdated notion of national self-control or even nationhood, in this case of a Germanness that is in danger of being diluted or polluted. Moreover, it appears hopelessly outdated at a time when national ownership of media or other cultural resources can no longer be neatly distinguished. ) In view of the fact that national boundaries can and should no longer be neatly maintained, my argument so far has been to take the melodrama out of the Americanization debate by identifying the emer- 30 German Pop Culture gence and worldwide triumph of American popular culture as the enactment of a cultural logic of modernity, although an unexpected, largely unacknowledged, and perhaps not altogether welcome part.

They claimed that the state or the media in these countries were practicing a form of antidemocratic control. The great signi‹cance of these critiques of cultural or communications policy in the United States was revealed by the reaction of the American government in 1984 to UNESCO’s refusal to comply with American demands. The United States promptly left the most important international cultural agency. The French government organized an international effort against American cultural imperialism6 in France mainly over the question of economic control over ‹lm and television.

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